Thursday, August 18, 2005

The Return of Realism

Gideon Rose has an excellent piece on the new realist bent in the current administration. As he correctly notes this is a back to roots movement for Bush since this is how he originally campaigned in 2000, it wasn't until 9/11 that he kicked into full Wilsonian gear. As Rose points out when discussing Condi Rice this realism is not a full blooded realpolitik in the European tradition, but rather a realism that takes into account American principles. He doesn't call it this but amongst Republicans it is referred to as Reaganism. Kissinger touched on it in his book Diplomacy and writing in the Spring 2004 issue of National Interest (Rose should read up on his competition) Rich Lowry wrote about the Reaganite/Neo-Reaganite schism in conservative movement. Subscription is required for the National Interest link so I'll just quote a piece here:

Much of the intra-conservative debate turns on this key question: the malleability of much of the world, and the suitability of the U.S. government as an agent for fundamentally changing it. Conservatives have a strong dose of Reaganite optimism but are also clear-eyed in their view both of human progress and of America's ability to promote liberal values around the world. Since Burke, conservatives have sought just this balance between respect for reality as it exists and the possibilities for change.


Neoconservatism displays impatience at any reminder that the world is not infinitely plastic and that not all problems will break down under the solvent of American power. It assumes a universal admiration for America that does not exist, and it tends to dismiss the desire of local actors to have a say in how a project is carried out. For neoconservatives, liberal democracy can be achieved simply by an American invasion, or a set of sanctions, or a ritual invocation of the policy of "regime change." The government of China will fall as long as the United States doesn't grant it "most favored" trading privileges. Proponents of such free trade are latter-day Neville Chamberlains (never mind that the rest of the world will keep trading with Beijing). Russian President Vladimir Putin will see the advantages of liberalism if President Bush just scolds enough. And regime change--as much a wish as a policy--is promulgated as the U.S. strategy for every nasty government in the world. Those who are skeptical of this strategy might, according to their rhetorical barbs, have a "casual animus" about U.S. power.

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